Sufmi Dasco Ahmad said on 19 August that the delivery figures had been discussed and simulated, and that it would not be appropriate to disclose them yet.
The deputy speaker of Indonesia’s House was describing a presidential regulation now in final drafting, expected in September, that reaches past the ride-hailing commission everyone spent June arguing about.
It sets passenger fares. It sets food and goods delivery fees. It reclassifies drivers as micro, small and medium enterprises.
Three separate prices, in one document, on a sector that employs around seven million people.
The commission cap was the part that made headlines and the smaller half of the intervention. Perpres 27/2026 moved the ojol take rate from 20 percent to 8 on 1 July, and Grab and Gojek confirmed it themselves, nine days early, standing beside two deputy speakers.
What comes in September moves from the platform’s cut to the customer’s bill.
A commission cap constrains what a platform keeps out of a transaction it still prices. A delivery-fee schedule prices the transaction. The first leaves a business with a lever; the second takes the lever into a ministry, and there are two ministries now, passenger transport going to Transportation and food and goods delivery to Communications and Digital.
The enforcement layer was quietly solved first. Danantara, the state wealth fund, has taken stakes in the ride-hailing companies, which Dasco has described as the mechanism for holding them to the fee structure.
A regulator that owns equity does not have to litigate compliance.
A regulator that owns equity does not have to litigate compliance.
The MSME reclassification is the piece with the longest tail and the least coverage. Turning a driver into a micro-enterprise makes him eligible for subsidised credit and tax treatment, and it does something else at the same time: it settles, in the state’s own filing cabinet, that the relationship is a partnership between two businesses rather than a labour contract.
Seven million small businesses whose prices are set by decree is a category that did not exist eighteen months ago.
China ran the same arc earlier and with less noise. Meituan, carrying roughly 7.45 million riders on its platform in 2023, said in February 2025 that it would start paying social security for full-time and stable part-time riders, three months after the Cyberspace Administration moved on algorithm-driven labour practices, having already put 1.4 billion yuan into an occupational-injury pilot.
Beijing loads the cost onto the platform. Jakarta prices the cut.
Beijing loads the cost onto the platform. Jakarta prices the cut.
Both routes end with the same margin, and the Indonesian version is the more legible of the two, because a published number is easier to model than an unwritten expectation. The trouble is that a published number is also easier to change, and there is now a standing process for changing it.
So the diagnostic is a modelling question rather than a lobbying one, and it runs in an afternoon.
Is the supply side concentrated in one occupation the evening news already has a name for. Is it visible on the streets of the capital. Has it demonstrated in the past two years.
Indonesian drivers scored on all three before the first number moved.1
Dasco has the September figures and will not publish them. Every model built on Indonesian delivery economics between now and then is a model with a blank in it, and the blank belongs to somebody else.
Footnotes
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The first rate cut was announced at a Labour Day rally. Rate changes attached to a public holiday do not get reversed quietly. ↩